While the common belief is that poverty is a material condition, it is also a mental one. To tackle it effectively demands tools that address both these conditions.
A fundamental paradigm shift is needed to fully eradicate poverty. For example, a pact between different social institutions needs to be brokered in order to co-ordinate all the efforts and available resources to the benefit of the continent’s poor.
To achieve this, states will have to become developmental in orientation and democratic in practice. They will need to address the twin imperatives of both nation-building and economic development. In so doing many of the continent’s current challenges that limit its developmental potential will be dealt with.
The state will also have to consider its citizens, by promoting a culture of participatory, inclusive and representative democracy. Communities affected by such agreements will have to be consulted and actively participate in the decision-making process.
The fact that some East Asian countries were able to develop and grow their economies under undemocratic conditions, does not mean Africa should be expected to do the same.
In the case of our continent, democratic conditions are the foundation upon which economic growth and poverty eradication should take place. Moreover, the private sector will need to think beyond profit and consider its role in the social system in which it finds itself.
However, there can be no effective state or thriving economy without an empowered society. If there is a lesson to be learnt from the recent global economic crisis, it is that the state and the market cannot be trusted to deliver on development without the involvement of communities; this is where the heart of progress lies and where investment should take place.
Resources need to be funnelled to communities to facilitate an economic revolution from the bottom upwards. In most countries, structures such as community-based organisations (CBOs) are the backbone of society in times of need. It is perhaps only now that their importance to the health of nations is being recognised.
In Africa, a number of CBOs support local communities by addressing and providing aid to development challenges in specific areas. These institutions are increasingly addressing international concerns. Because they are formed, governed and run by local communities, CBOs often serve as focal and entry points for development initiatives at grassroots level. In these instances the private sector can invest in communities by providing CBOs with funding, resources and expertise.
In other instances, corporations have established their own community foundations to tackle local development challenges. Development facilitators then work through these structures in order to grow their local knowledge, culture and experience.
Furthermore, states can easily be linked to their citizens through CBOs in order to identify and address community-specific needs.
If communities are not empowered to develop themselves and hold the continent’s leaders to account, there is no hope that the state can promote development and democracy.
Indeed, without empowered communities, there can be no nation or economic growth, and poverty will forever persist. The time to empower communities for development is now.
Zimbabwean-born Dr. Bhekinkosi Moyo is an author and director of programs at TrustAfrica, a pan-African foundation based in Dakar, Senegal. He writes extensively on democracy, development, and politics.
In connection with our MDG3 Project, which seeks to curb gender violence and expand women's political participation, we are reposting this statement by UNDP. The original post can be found here.
Twenty-eight African Ministers in charge of Gender Affairs and more than 600 other high level participants from 43 African countries participated in a Regional Review of “Beijing + 15” from November 16th through the 20th in Banjul, the Gambia.
The purpose of the conference was to gather decision-makers, NGO’s, Women and Youth organizations, among other stakeholders, to look at progress made in Africa since the Beijing Summit on women 15 years ago, and to address challenges for the implementation of the 12 critical areas of the Beijing Platform for Africa. The government of The Gambia hosted the conference and was supported by the UN System in the Gambia, with UNDP as the lead agency.
The UNDP Country Office Gambia received both financial and technical support from RBA and BDP for that assistance, which was provided by UNDP in various areas such as the recruitment of a team of consultants comprising of a Gender Expert, two Communication Specialists and a Website Developer. The teams assisted the Government’s Women’s Bureau in producing the Beijing National report for The Gambia, the AU Solemn Declaration Report, and the NGO Beijing Scheduled Report for The Gambia. A highly informational website, http://www.beijingplus15.gm, was also developed for the conference.
Diverse communication materials, including a PSA in four languages and a documentary showcasing best practices in the Gambia on the Beijing Platform for Action 12 critical areas were produced by the communication team, which worked hand in hand with colleagues from the UNECA.
The Vice President of the Republic of the Gambia in her statement on behalf of the President of the Republic of the Gambia thanked the UNDP Country Office in the Gambia for providing significant preparatory assistance. According to Dr Aisatu Njie Saidy, “the meeting in Banjul is of special significance in that it creates a forum to review progress so far realised, revisit the strategies and possibly come up with the necessary adjustment to enable collectively deal with the many pressing challenging gender issues in Africa”. She further said that the contribution of African women to the continent development is clearly evident as African women are well known for their brilliance, creativity, hard work, commitment and unwavering determination to shape their own destiny.
Ms Chinwe Dike, the Resident Coordinator of the UN System in the Gambia and UNDP Resident Representative stated that “it is indeed time to call on all actors and stakeholders engaged in promoting gender equality, and especially on governments to account for their stewardship. This call includes the United Nations which after the 2009 GA meeting has also recognised the need to revamp its gender architecture to achieve greater effectiveness in the promotion of gender equality.”
Regional Bureau for Africa deputy director Elizabeth Fong went further to explain that UNDP has adopted a two-fold approach to gender mainstreaming. She said: “Firstly, we support the empowerment of women to expand their capability opportunities, and choices, as well as to claim their rights and move into full substantive equality with men. Secondly, we are supporting the capacity development of governments to respond positively to women’s interest and concerns”.
Ms Fong pledged that UNDP will work to support initiatives that empower women to claim their internationally agreed rights in every development sphere, and support government to be both pro-active and responsive in advancing the realization of these rights.
She confirmed that the gender equality strategy of UNDP is the tool used for the integration of gender into our core development work.
In implementing the UNDP gender strategy, UNDP in the Gambia has supported the government in building the capacity of women to fully participate in the electoral processes.
In her statement at the opening of the conference, Mrs Fatou Jassey-Kuyateh, Permanent Secretary of the Vice President, reiterated her government’s commitment to place women in decision-making positions as evidenced by the number of top offices occupied by women such as the Vice President, the Speaker of the national assembly, three ministers, one deputy minister and three other national assembly members.
The Beijing+15 conference in the Gambia concluded with strong feedback and input from participants and ministers from the countries represented. Once again, African governments’ delegates confirmed their commitment to mainstream gender in their policy and address challenges based on the recommendations of the meeting. Some of these focus on the economic empowerment of women by creating employment opportunities through targeted entrepreneurship and skills, as well asbusiness development paying particular attention to rural women. They also call for countries to put in place measures aimed at accelerating agricultural production through advanced technologies. The Beijing+15 eighth Africa Regional Review Conference has indeed been a major landmark on African women’s journey from “Commitment to Action” .
The U.N. Secretary-General’s campaign to end violence against women was officially launched for the West Africa region on 26 November 2009. Held in Dakar, Senegal, and led by UNIFEM, the celebration was an exciting and moving one, with a short play by local artists, a performance by a local singer, dancing, testimonials by women from the Democratic Republic of Congo and Senegal, and speeches by representatives from several countries, U.N. agencies, ECOWAS, and the Senegalese Ministry of Justice.
The ceremony reiterated the vision and objectives of the U.N. Secretary-General’s “UNiTE to End Violence against Women” campaign. Noting the prevailing conditions in West Africa, the event highlighted some recent improvements in the region and called for more action by governments, elected officials, civil society, women’s organizations, youth, the private sector, the media, and the U.N. system.
The global campaign was officially launched on 25 February 2008 and will last until 2015. Its objective is to end impunity for those who commit violence against women and girls, mainly by raising awareness and increasing political will and resources to address all forms of violence against women and girls in all regions of the world. In West Africa, the campaign aims specifically to raise awareness, support local initiatives, create a framework for dialogue, reinforce international partnerships, and mobilize all sectors of society, including the judiciary, in order to establish a more cohesive approach to preventing and fighting against all forms of violence against women and girls.
The event in Dakar included speeches by the regional directors of UNIFEM and UNDP, the Special Representative of the U.N. Secretary-General for West Africa, a representative from ECOWAS, Mali’s former Ministry of Culture, and a representative from Senegal’s Ministry of Justice. They emphasized that the situation for women and girls in West Africa remains alarming — even though the majority of countries in the region have ratified CEDAW and the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights, and despite the passage of legislation to ban violence against women and girls in those countries. Speakers noted several factors that exacerbate gender violence, including HIV/AIDS, conflicts, and certain cultural practices.
The U.N. Secretary-General’s campaign is reaching West Africa at a fortuitous time, as this year marks the 30th anniversary of CEDAW and 2010 will commemorate the 15th anniversary of the Beijing Platform for Action.
TrustAfrica was represented at the ceremony by Executive Director Akwasi Aidoo and members of the MDG3 team. The launch represents a milestone for West Africa, and an important event for our organization, as we are in the first phase of the implementation of our MDG3 project, whose first objective is to decrease violence against women. We could not agree more with U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s statement that “violence against women is never acceptable, never excusable, never tolerable.”
A marked increase in the number of disputed African elections has seen a rise in the prevalence of coalition governments. Bhekinkosi Moyo wonders whether they are the happy families they claim to be?
Africa is struggling to come to grips with the concept of power sharing, Along with the return of military intervention and the abuse of religion, power sharing arrangements seem to be growing in popularity.
Whether they're called unity governments, governments of national unity (GNU) or inclusive governments — the engineering of consociational administrations following the outcomes of disputed elections is becoming cause for concern.
Proponents of such arrangements often cite South Africa's GNU and its subsequent Truth and Reconciliation Commission as an example of a successful negotiation. What they do not say is that the South African model was crafted and agreed upon before elections were even held. In other instances (Kenya and Zimbabwe being the latest) disgruntled politicians lose elections and resort to violence In order to retain or illegally assume power.
And it's not as complicated as we are led to believe. It's actually very simple: leaders are refusing to subject themselves to their constitutions and the laws governing elections
I could rot have said it better than Ayi Kwei Armah when he wrote in New African: 'For many dreaming of making it into the good life, the power of the incumbent politician looks like the greatest escape of all. As the extractive economy shrinks, while populations and needs increase, African states increasingly resemble crowded chambers losing oxygen. In such an atmosphere, political power becomes the most visible lifeline left. Members of the ruling party are the lucky bozos manning the oxygen tank.'
In the Netherlands, consociationalism has been practiced to deal with divided societies' conflicts since as early as 1917. This phenomenon has been spread across the world, particularly through the works of Arendt Lijphart.
South Africa, Kenya and Zimbabwe are not the only advocates of consociational governments in Africa. Other countries that have resorted to power-sharing include Rwanda, DRC, Sudan, Liberia, Côte d’Ivoire, Burundi and now Madagascar.
What distinguishes them from the rest is their narrow fixation on executive power sharing as opposed to the other broader elements of proportionality, minority veto and segmental autonomy.
Consociational engineers often argue that in divided societies, majoritarian democracy is akin to dictatorship. As a result, power sharing is often posited as the solution — as a way to apportion political power and prevent the violence that normally accompanies disputes.
This is very far from the reality though. In more than 15 peace accords that have been negotiated across Africa, only Burundi can be regarded as stable today. But even so, this could change easily. Critics argue that promoting a consociational governance system is de facto and de jure, creating an incentive for rebels to claim a stake in power sharing settlements. In other words, it pays to be a rebel.
In August, I attended a presentation by a Zimbabwean minister on the challenges facing the country's inclusive government. Listening to him, I could not but conclude that power cannot be shared and managed collectively. Resorting to power sharing does rot address the fundamental causes of conflict. Instead it exacerbates them.
I argue that power sharing is only useful in so far as it stops societies going to hell; however, it cannot take them to heaven. Our aim should be to restructure power rather than share it.
The problem In Africa is rot that of deeply divided societies for which consociationalism was designed — Africa's problems are of governance.
Zimbabwean born Dr Bhekinkosi Moyo is an author and director of programmes at TrustAfrica, a pan African foundation based in Dakar, Senegal. He writes extensively on democracy, development and politics.
Last month’s announcement that Zimbabwe’s Prime Minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, was suspending his cooperation with Robert Mugabe’s Zanu-PF party threatened the country’s fragile unity government. International observers chastised the Prime Minister’s actions as risky and shortsighted given the huge struggle to achieve the tenuous coalition government in 2009. Tsvangirai assured domestic constituents and the international community that his party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), was not withdrawing from the unity government but rather protesting the trial of a key MDC figure, Roy Bennett, Tsvangirai’s designate for Deputy Minister of Agriculture, who had been detained for weeks on arms trafficking charges linked to a plot to violently overthrow the Zanu-PF regime. Since Tsvangirai’s October 16 announcement, Mr. Bennett has been released from custody and MDC Ministers have resumed attending cabinet meetings with their Zanu-PF colleagues.
Yet, Tsvangirai’s bold gesture reveals the complexity of the current balancing act in Zimbabwe. Many of us would like to see Robert Mugabe tried in The Hague and made to pay dearly for the brutality and impunity of his regime. However, this may not be the most efficient way to address the persistent crisis in Zimbabwe. This message of compromise and reconciliation was most eloquently articulated by MDC Minister Ms. Sekai Holland during an informal meeting with Africa-focused advocacy groups this week in Washington, D.C. One of Zimbabwe’s greatest human rights leaders and a long time supporter of the MDC, Ms. Holland currently heads the Ministry for National Healing, Reconciliation & Integration. This may seem a strange title for a government ministry because few of its qualifiers seem to correspond to attainable goals, particularly given the political climate in Zimbabwe. Yet if there is anyone who could take on this enormous task it is Ms. Holland, who prior to the Unity Government held the position of Secretary for Policy, Research, and Ideology, and was responsible for drafting many of the foundational party documents which continue to inform MDC policy.
During her talk, Ms. Holland spoke at length about the need to “dismantle the instruments of violence” and strengthen peace mechanisms in order to prevent the recurrence of the violent episodes that have characterized Zimbabwe’s political scene for the past half-century. In this regard Ms. Holland called on stakeholders in the Zimbabwe peace process to look beyond the normative concerns of honesty and fairness and consider the urgent need to expedite the recovery and reconstruction process so that Zimbabweans can recover their dignity and put their lives back together. Although these comments may seem callous given the extent of criminality and deprivation meted out on the Zimbabwean people over the past 50 years, Ms. Holland is well placed to speak on behalf of the 1 million plus torture survivors in her country.
In March 2007 Ms. Holland made international headlines when she was brutality attacked and detained by the Zimbabwean police. At the age of 64, she was beaten and tortured by Zanu-PF loyalists and imprisoned along with other MDC supporters for several days in Zimbabwe before she was able to leave for South Africa and seek medical treatment. Despite her horrendous experience, she remains active in the MDC. Questioned about the weaknesses of the Global Political Agreement between the MDC and the Zanu-PF, Ms. Holland recognized that the document was lacking, but praised its existence as a foundation from which to pursue further negotiations. Many of the Africa focused advocacy groups and in attendance questioned Ms. Holland about the quality of the agreement, which includes several presidential prerogatives that are contrary to the power-sharing nature of the coalition government. In response, Ms. Holland noted that the GPA document was drafted in haste and with limited consultation with relevant stakeholders, including women, judicial representatives, security sector professionals and youth organizations. These shortcomings raised doubts about the integrity of the document when it was presented to MDC leadership. According to Ms. Holland, Tsvangirai rallied support for the document by likening Zimbabwe to the child in the biblical story of King Solomon. Just as a child should not be split in two to satisfy two different women claiming to be its mother, Zimbabwe need not suffer disunity for the sake of one party claiming full power or monopoly on the truth. In the Old Testament story, when King Solomon suggests splitting the child, the real mother protests, revealing that she loves the child best because she is the most concerned with its wellbeing rather than her personal satisfaction of being recognized as its mother. In the same way, the MDC leadership was won over by the greater goal of reuniting Zimbabwe and forging ahead with negotiations rather than submitting Zimbabweans to additional weeks and perhaps months of hostilities.
Since the signing of the Global Political Agreement in early 2009, livelihoods have improved for many Zimbabweans, organized violence and torture has subsided, and the country’s exponential inflation has slowed enough for ordinary Zimbabweans to begin putting their lives back together. Thus, when MDC spokespeople toured the countryside in early October to debate the costs and benefits of continuing to work with an uncooperative and ‘dishonest’ Zanu-PF, the resounding answer was yes. Ordinary Zimbabweans who paid the most dearly in the violent period surrounding the 2008 election, as well as the episodic violence that has plagued Zimbabwean politics since the 1980’s, were not eager to destabilize the fragile peace accomplished through the Government of National Unity. Accordingly, MDC leaders will continue to work with the Zanu-PF in preparations for run-off elections scheduled for 2010.
Although there is still a long road ahead for Zimbabwe, Ms. Holland’s remarks helped put the current situation into perspective, providing context for Tsvangirai’s gesture and reaffirming Zimbabweans commitment to making the coalition government work.
Our friends at the Open Society Institute, OSI's Justice Initiative, and the Coalition for an Effective African Court on Human and Peoples Rights are circulating a petition to protest the recent threat by Gambian President A.J.J Jammeh to kill human rights advocates who set foot in the country.
I will kill anyone, who wants to destabilize this country. If you think that you can collaborate with so called human rights defenders, and get away with it, you must be living in a dream world. I will kill you, and nothing will come out of it. We are not going to condone people posing as human rights defenders to the detriment of the country. If you are affiliated with any human rights group, be rest assured that your security and personal safety would not be guaranteed by my Government. We are ready to kill saboteurs.” (Italics added)
Such comments by a public official are simply contemptible, as well as in violation of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. But Jammeh's threat is even more cynical considering that the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights maintains its headquarters in the Gambia's capital city, Banjul.
The petition thus urges the African Commission to move its secretariat to a safer, more deserving location elsewhere on the continent. It also asks that the commission cease holding sessions anywhere in the Gambia until this matter is resolved—and that civil society organizations abstain from attending any sessions that may be held there.
The goal is to secure as many signatures as possible before Monday, September 28, when the petition will be forwarded to the African Union. That same day, the organizers aim to hold simultaneous media briefings by African NGOs in Dakar (Senegal), Abuja (Nigeria), Johannesburg (South Africa), and Nairobi (Kenya).
Signed petitions may be sent to one of the following:
The U.N. General Assembly’s adoption on September 14 of a resolution to create a new U.N. agency solely dedicated to gender equality is to be applauded.
It is comforting to know that the efforts of civil society organizations and women’s activists are at last rewarded and that women will have a stronger entity to look after their interests.
About a year and half ago, at the 52nd meeting of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) in New York, a friend told me, as we were attending a Gender Equality Architecture Reform (GEAR) meeting, that although change might be slow coming, she was sure that within a few years, the General Assembly would adopt a powerful resolution in favor of women. “The pressure on them is just too much,” I remember her saying. It was one of those moments when fighting actually meant something. We were gathered in a small room at 777 United Nations Plaza, listening to speakers and strategizing for a more powerful campaign. I am sure each one of us present at the meeting has followed, one way or the other, each step of the advancement of the campaign, until this memorable day of September 14, 2009.
I must admit though, that a question has been on my mind for several years with regards to the creation of a U.N. agency for women: why did it not occur earlier? The Mirabal sisters (in memory of whom we commemorate November 25th) were brutally killed in 1960; the Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was adopted in 1979; two of the greatest gatherings of and for women occurred in Nairobi in 1985 and in Beijing in 1995. These events, the yearly meetings of the CSW, the weakness of the four existing women’s U.N. bodies (in view of recurring and increasing violence against women especially) did not seem to really affect the General Assembly in a way that made it realize that women needed an agency with more powers.
I haven’t found an answer to the question, but the General Assembly’s resolution is an important event in the history of our fight for a reform of gender norms. We are now, more than ever, G.E.A.R.ed for the advancement of the condition of women worldwide. We do not have any excuses anymore. Let us dare hope that when the agency is created, member states will abide by their promises and work towards true gender equality.
TrustAfrica, with support from the Dutch Government, is launching a special project to advance Millennium Development Goal 3 (MDG3). Entitled “Enhancing Women’s Dignity,” the MDG3 Project covers seven countries: Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Democratic Republic of Congo, Mali, Niger, and Senegal. It focuses on two main objectives:
Building capacity to decrease violence against women
Building capacity to increase women’s political participation
We’re hiring: We seek to engage four short-term consultants to compile a comprehensive database of all civil society organizations working on these issues in the seven target countries. Click here to learn more about these positions and find out how to apply.
Strategies
The MDG3 project uses research, advocacy, capacity building, and coalition building to:
Record and create databases of civil society organizations working to decrease violence against women and increase women’s political participation in the seven target countries
Advocate by organizing and sponsoring campaigns around issues of violence against women
Conduct workshops and provide seed funding to civil society organizations working to decrease violence against women and increase women’s political participation in the seven target countries
Develop mentoring and networking schemes between women leaders and young emerging leaders in the field of women’s political participation
Activities
The pilot phase of the project will run from 2009 to 2011. During this period, TrustAfrica, in collaboration with the Dutch Government and other partners, will implement several activities including the following:
Research and data analysis on issues of violence against women and women’s political participation in each of the target countries
Agenda-setting and training workshops
Capacity building and advocacy
Grants, seed funding, and technical advice for organizations working to end violence against women and increase women’s political participation in each of the target countries
Mentoring schemes and internships pairing experienced women leaders with promising young leaders
Documentation and recording of best practices around each objective in the target countries
Documentation and publication of the results attained through the MDG3 Project
Africa has made tremendous political and economic strides over the last years. And yet, rather unceremoniously, there is a resurgence of Africa’s ugly past, particularly in the political and governance arenas.
No doubt there are many challenges confronting the continent (security, the global economic meltdown, environmental concerns and disease, to name but a few), but more disturbing is the return of Africa’s ghosts to hinder the consolidation of development and good governance. Two of the ghosts haunting Africa that need urgent exorcising are the return of the military and the misuse of religion.
The military is back – from Mauritania to Madagascar; Guinea Bissau to Guinea Conakry. The recent months have awakened us to the realisation that Africa’s unhappy spirits were never laid to rest in the first place.
The declaration of a coup in Madagascar by Andry Rajoelina early in January prompted the AU to move their annual Heads of State Summit from Antananarivo to Sirte, Libya. Mauritania is also no stranger to coups – indeed it would appear that the international community’s condemnation and the suspension of the country from the AU has not deterred renegade army generals from staging further coups.
When Lansana Conté – Africa’s veteran strongman – died in December 2008, Guineans thought the worst was over. But no sooner had they breathed a sigh of relief when Captain Moussa Dadis Camara toppled the government and established a governing council that will rule until December 2010. Paradoxically, some sections of Guinean society have pinned their hopes on the military following decades of misrule and underdevelopment.
In Guinea Bissau, the assassinations of the former defence minister, Hélder Proença, and presidential candidate Baciro Dabo – following the gruesome murder of President João Bernado Vieira – upped the political ante. And in Gabon, peace is unlikely to follow President Omar Bongo’s death.
Clearly these are signs of the looming dangers in Africa’s political landscape. If not cleansed, these demons will further damage the image of Africa, with serious implications for the investment and business environment.
A friend once asked if soldiers go to church. I could not answer him. But what I can say is that in some countries, religion – particularly Christianity and Islam – are being abused once again. In some countries there seem to be unwritten rules that if the president is Christian, then the deputy president ought to be Muslim, and vice versa.
The rise of religion in politics manifests itself through different ethnicities. So powerful are these that they decide who gets elected, and who does and doesn’t get appointed to certain positions in government.
Although religion has always been politicised, its influence is on the increase once again. Some churches invite presidential candidates to campaign at their pulpits and, as history will attest, some religions have backed politicians even to the extent of pursuing undemocratic practices.
The return of the military and the dangerous mixing of religion and politics are demons that must be exorcised immediately if Africa is indeed to progress towards sustainable development and a situation where her citizens will be free from fear and want.
Political and religious leaders must rise to the challenge and curb these resurgent forces. The current global economic downturn and governance recession present opportunities for Africa to walk in union towards an integrated value system and work ethic. These living ghosts must die – never to rise again.
Zimbabwean-born Dr Bhekinkosi Moyo is an author and director of programmes at TrustAfrica, a pan-African foundation based in Dakar, Senegal. He writes extensively on democracy, development and politics.
When the trumpeter blew his horn on Saturday afternoon welcoming Obama to the ICC’s stage, he responded rhythmically by saying, “I like this”. He went on to sing very well his own governance melody. But will African leaders—his main targets—like and dance to his music and governance tunes? It does not look likely—the leaders are likely to scratch his music so that it is not danceable. Just a few weeks ago, African heads of state and government gathered in Sirte and decided that their members should not cooperate with the International Criminal Court in the arrest and surrender of Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir. In short, Obama’s music is sweet indeed, but the dancers are likely to inflict scratches on it.
But was highlighting governance achievements his main reason for his visit? Wouldn’t he have done better to visit one of the conflict-ridden countries such as Somalia, Sudan, Zimbabwe, Guinea or even Kenya to confront real governance challenges head on? There he would not have received applauses but some frowns. To a certain extent, Obama’s administration chose the easiest way to address the theme of governance by opting for the already converted rather than confronting the real culprits. Hence conspirators argue that Obama’s visit was tied to Ghana’s recently discovered oil and Africa Command’s potential hosting by Ghana.
Whatever the main motive for his visit, he generated a lot of excitement in Accra and beyond. When he finally touched down on Ghanaian soil on Friday night last week, his most anticipated trip suddenly became reality. Streets, billboards, music videos, radio stations and various television stations were all beaming with Obama’s face.
This was one of the most important visits for Ghanaians. Obama had an option to visit other bigger states in Africa, such as South Africa, Nigeria or Kenya. He didn’t—he chose Ghana. Ghanaians were made proud. Obama also made it clear that his visit was to showcase Ghana’s democratic credentials. He said to AllAfrica.com, a few days before his trip to Ghana, “by travelling to Ghana we hope to highlight the effective governance that they have in place”. He indirectly snubbed Kenya by saying “the political parties in Kenya do not seem to be moving into a permanent reconciliation that would allow the country to move forward”. In this, he confirmed one political satirist’s cartoon showing Air Force One flying over Kenya dropping a note, “Get your act together”.
“Get your act together” was Obama’s translucent message to African leaders delivered to the Ghanaian parliament last week just before he made an emotional trip to the Cape Coast Castle—a place very instrumental in the trans-Atlantic slave trade. His message was music to many who have suffered under the tyranny of dictators. His sweet melodies connected good governance with development. For sure, Ghana’s performance over the years has shown that good and strong institutions are crucial to stability and sound governance. In the past elections, Ghanaians made peaceful transitions and smooth power transfers without resorting to consociations and power-sharing tactics that have been introduced elsewhere. The last presidential election in Ghana, in which the National Democratic Congress narrowly beat the New Patriotic Party, could have provided an excuse for a consociation in the place of constitutional democracy. The fact that Nana Akufo-Addo and his losing party conceded defeat must be celebrated, but more importantly credit should also be given to former Ghanaian presidents—Jerry Rawlings and John Kufuor—for having transferred power to an opposition party without resorting to violence.
Obama touched on a number of governance issues. The first was that governance is people-centered and each nation gives life to democracy in its own way. Embedded in this is that nations that respect the will of their people are more prosperous that those that govern by force. He put it more eloquently: “This is about more than just holding elections. It’s about what happens between elections”. It is about putting an end to repressions, eradicating poverty, combating corruption, improving the investment climate, upholding the rule of law and building strong institutions, including a vibrant civil society. This was Obama’s strong message to African leaders who trample on the freedoms of their people: “Now make no mistake: History is on the side of brave Africans, not with those who use coups or change constitutions to stay in power. Africa does not need strong men, it needs strong institutions”.
The fact that Africans are responsible for their destiny is a musical note that fits well in his melody. It is important that Obama sings this simple note—for far too many years development agents and Western governments have treated Africa and its people as helpless victims. Never were attempts made to give Africans an opportunity to help themselves. More often, the West, including its philanthropic institutions, tends to view its role as solving a problem from outside. Never has it occurred to these benevolent actors that the real solution to Africa’s problems lies in Africa—where there is a rot therein also is a solution. This is a good foundation for Obama’s administration, for it gives agency to Africans and relegates America to a partner. There is no better place for this than in Africa, where the youth constitutes at least 75% of the population. Most of the problematic octogenarians are very close to death. Investing in governance and the youth is key in unlocking Africa’s prosperity. However, there is a need not to tie aid to the conventional notions of governance. Governance must be defined with reference to context and the specific needs of African countries.
The importance of this is that it also recognizes Africa’s position in global power play. There is no denying the fact that Africa is an important region for the world’s superpowers and emerging powers in terms of natural resources, and geopolitics. Obama is right in observing that the “21st century will also be shaped by what happens in Africa”. Africans must therefore push hard in international platforms for principles of equality, partnership and mutuality. Indeed, the just-ended G-8 Summit in Italy witnessed a re-alignment of global politics with the inclusion of Egypt and South Africa in new G-14.
Although Obama sang very well, his melodies were at times discordant. There was dissonance in his speech. It was difficult to harmonize his emphasis on equality and his elevation to a super instructor. His speech carried a tone of someone giving instructions either to children or a group of tired sport men or women. His constant use of “I” was so powerfully loaded that one could confuse him for a super being. Indeed, the Ghanaian preparations, including the welcome ceremony, had elevated him to another level. However, if he wants his melodies to resonate well with the choreography, Obama needs to change his tone and the embedded superiority in the constant use of ‘I’. At one point he instructed his children, “I want to see Ghanaians not only self sufficient in food, I want to see you exporting food to other countries and earning money. As if he was now talking to tired sports people struggling to cross the winning line, he continued, “You can do that”. Of course he got the loudest applause.
If not addressed, this attitudinal problem may haunt Africans later when Obama makes further trips to Africa. Linked to this, is that I could not help but be confused on the Saturday morning when Obama had breakfast with President Mills at the Castle. The two presidents arrived in the same vehicle—the American car popularly known as the Beast. I have no knowledge of protocol but as an ordinary observer, I could not understand the message being sent. I had lots of questions: First, how did Obama and his delegation pick up President Mills? What was the practical arrangement? Was it, Mr. President, we will pick you on our way? Or was it, Mr. President, let’s all travel in the Beast? What was it? Suppose the two presidents wanted to have a chat on their way to the Castle, why didn’t they use the Ghanaian presidential car? I wondered who was in charge of Ghana at that moment.
Clearly the Americans temporarily took over Ghana. My journalist friends staying at the Protea hotel were threatened with eviction simply because the Americans wanted rooms for Obama’s people. At the La Palm hotel, where I stayed, there were threats as well to many of us who had booked a long time before Obama’s visit. We could not but stay in fear. So hotels preferred Americans over Africans. The airport was also chaotic. On the two days, passengers had to check in at least seven hours before their departure. Roads were at times closed and security was very tight for the ordinary person. All this is discordant to Obama’s melody. But it must serve as a word of caution to future hosts of Obama in Africa, such as South Africa during the 2010 World Cup. His visit should not trample on individuals’ basic rights.
Dr. Moyo is program director at TrustAfrica, a pan-African foundation based in Dakar, Senegal. He was in Accra last week.
A shorter version of this article appeared in the July 17–23 edition of the Mail & Guardian (Johannesburg).
‘We’ meaning TrustAfrica. Our new offices are on the road. No, that doesn’t sound right. What I should say is that we are now more visible since one can see us clearly from the main road, from afar, from the highway. Before, we were on the street. That is what I should clarify. Now we are on the road. It is a busy road. My office, which I share with Jeanne, is a room with a view. We have a long, narrow balcony where we stretch our eyes to the sky and Mamelle—the tallest point of Dakar, a place many people here refer to as the hill but which to me is a mound. I come from the land of rocky mountains and rolling hills. Understand when I look at the Mamelle, and it seems like I’m looking at a large anthill. My opinion doesn’t go well with the people here so out of politeness and political correctness, I also refer to the Mamelle as the hill. Mamelle stands for mammary—breast in French. I should say there are two breasts here in Senegal. One breast has a lighthouse which served as an important guide to seafarers and navigators in the ancient of days, perhaps even now. A statue of daunting height is coming up on the other breast. I can see it from our new office. I tell you it’s going to give the Mamelle the height of a mountain. From what I have heard, Koreans were hired two years ago to build the statue. Jeanne says it’s supposed to be a man and a woman with a child in between them. Family. Akwasi says it’s going to be one tall being. From the thighs and legs it looks like it will be a woman. We are all watching it from our balcony and speculating how grand it will be. How it’s taking around 45 Koreans to construct. Mark you this is Senegal, a land teeming with artists, sculptors and painters but none commissioned to do the structure. That says something about where the country’s values are, right? Sorry, I digress a lot. That is not what I intend to write about. I reserve the topic of Senegalese artists for another time. I should continue with my main subject, which is, we have moved. Oh, yes, now I know why and how I came to mention the artists. It’s because I am looking at the Mamelle right now as I write on my computer, on my table, in the office with a view.
A few minutes ago Jeanne spotted cows crossing the road, just like that. I have a camera constant in my bag so I have taken the pictures. About twenty cows walking side by side with cars, horses, donkeys and people. It is amazing. I will not be surprised if tomorrow I find out that we have new grantees. I mean, these cows can decide to come to our office. You should have seen them swinging elegantly, really, crossing the road and bypassing our office. Two cows looked up to read the sign. The TrustAfrica sign. I am telling the truth. What then will stop these cows from coming into our office for a grant or a convening of some sort, an understanding of our work if they digest what we are about? That is our new office area. Akwasi says it puts us right in contact with the world. It is so true. We have a good sense of what’s happening out there. Where we were was quiet and hidden. I almost felt like we were gods there. Away from human contact but available. Don’t misunderstand me. People used to find us. That’s how we managed to do a lot of work, to hold workshops, to give grants, and to facilitate collaborations. Our quiet neighborhood served a good purpose for the time we were there. Now we are in a place where anything is more possible than ever, where the unexpected is more likely to happen. I would like to say I miss the old place. We had cats, not cows. It was like home. Like a writers’ residence. I could write for hours uninterrupted by the world around me. But now the new place throbs with its own charm and wonders. It gives me more reason to be found looking out the window only to say in defense, “Can’t you see I am working.” I am now undecided on which place feeds me more, nourishes my creativity more.
We used to be in Mermoz Stele, near a gas station called Elton. That meant we could easily get food to snack on, from the Elton shop on the left side, while on the right we had Caesars, where we could get greasy chicken, Greek salad, and chawarma. There were two banks and a Western Union in between the banks. Where we are now, Sacré Coeur 3, we are within walking distance of Ecobank, a post office, and organizations like USAID, ActionAid, Population Council, and all kinds of set-ups, some of which are hard to define or pin down. There is a pharmacy downstairs—which makes it hard to complain of a headache and thereafter dash home for the tin of painkillers. There is also a doctor (cabinet medical) on the first floor of our building specializing in all kinds of sicknesses, judging from the paper pinned on the door. The gynecological to eye troubles, ears, skin, heart, nerves. …15 listed areas it makes me think what we have downstairs is a mini-hospital, not just a doctor’s office. There’s also a shop opposite our entry door that has ginger candies and other goodies. I should not forget to mention the proximity of a bar and restaurant called New Africa, which frankly, is the best thing on a Friday evening. Right after work our feet take us there, we have given up the idea of resistance. Well, not all of us but some of us. The nearness of New Africa blends with the rightness, the deserved cocktail and glass of wine after a heavy week’s work.
Now I am looking at the birds and aeroplanes, and the breast with the statue. I am startled to see planes almost landing on rooftops of the tall buildings. I am holding my breath and praying. It seems too real like it can happen, like the plane can miss where it’s supposed to land. Assuming I am inspired to fly out via the balcony, I would head towards the breast, past the VDN—a new highway that has swallowed good money—just like the new statue on the breast.
From time to time Akwasi comes to our office to look out the window (to look at the breast). He says he loves our office because it has the best view. He can see people, vehicles, birds, things in motion. I think this is the biggest deal about our new place. You see everything in motion. There’s a strong wind too that sweeps away our papers when we open the balcony door. We didn’t have much wind in the old place. We had a beautiful garden that created stable and secure feelings. It made me feel we were anchored. Settled. The ambience was perfect for stillness and stability. Here in our new place we have strong wind and everything moves. We see buildings coming up. Vehicles rushing to God knows where, cows stopping by to read our sign, and the Mamelle growing taller with the statue. It all gives us a sense of hurriedness, time running out, the need to attempt many things at once, to seize the day, and to embrace feelings of efficacy. This new place gives me assurance that we are right in the heart of where we are supposed to be—among the people and things. Here we have become people. In Mermoz I think we were gods. I am yet to figure out which is better, being people or being gods? One thing’s for sure, we have moved.
I am holding a placard to my head advocating a ban on birthday bashes. This is more necessary if the birthday baby is a politician, a leader, or an old man. Their birthday parties are a public danger and should remain a private affair outside public consumption if they must be celebrated.
President Mugabe’s 85th birthday celebration comes across as the cruelest joke of humankind. I mean, in a country where half the population are starving to death, cannot pay their medical bills, and have given up on the prayer: ‘Give us today our daily food,’ how deep is the irony that the president should spend 250,000 US dollars on his birthday cake and drinks?
Comic relief comes with the Prime Minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, appealing to donors and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) for aid. I think Africa’s richest humor comes from the Zimbabweans. They make the worst-case scenario look like a circus show. But the point is made. I am thinking that if so much money can be raised for a bad cause, there is more money to be raised for a good cause. Spending a fortune on the president’s birthday when millions are perishing in sickness and poverty is a huge waste. I think there should be a ban against birthdays, however well intentioned they may be.
I remember reading about good old Mandela’s 85th birthday, stolen in the name of commerce. Andile Mngxitama wrote in Pambazuka News, “Mandela’s 85th birthday was a Coca Cola affair. The multinational corporation was given full rights to throw a party for our founding father. Coke milked his name dry, everything was branded, serviettes to programme—the whole affair was televised live. This forced a friend to remark that we need another ‘Free Nelson Mandela Campaign.’ ”
Back in Zim, as the global economic crunch continues, it pays to be a friend of Mugabe at his lavish birthday party! The World Food Program recently reported that an estimated 6.9 million people without food in Zimbabwe. What remains a puzzle, however, is the love-hate syndrome that the nation’s people have for Mugabe. According to Agence France-Presse, Mugabe’s supporters helped raise money for the bash. “Crowds arrived in lorries, singing songs in praise of Mugabe, while banners proclaimed him a ‘great leader who never lets his people down.’ ” This reminds me a lot of George Orwell’s classic novella Animal Farm. The ZANU party and all the people who participated in Mugabe’s bash are like Minimus, the poetic pig who writes praise songs about Mugabe—oops, sorry, about Napoleon—and the banal patriotic song that replaces the idealistic anthem, Beasts of England.
It is unfortunate that people pay so little attention to literature, the one thing that remains true in its portrayal of human behavior. How the pigs commission praise songs for themselves and claim to deserve better than the others, their anthem-changing and amendment of the Seven Commandments not different from the constitution-changing that has become the shame of many of our political leaders allowing themselves privileges and dictatorial rule. For this reason I am holding a placard before the pigs drink all the whisky, dine at tables and relish sumptuous meals while the rest of the folks are robbed of their dignity and are dying from starvation.
Inside the Zimbabwean political amphitheatre are scenes of the tired, the old and the uninspiring. These are scenes not too gladly and willingly watched but forcefully shown to the audience. It sounds really absurd, but in reality no one is spared from the ever-disappointing drama coming out of Zimbabwe.
Like many, I have watched with great caution the drama surrounding the swearing in of the Prime Minister, his deputies and ministers in Zimbabwe. I say with caution because I am one of those people who believe that this unity government is built on sand. As you might expect, the structure will soon collapse. It is a matter of time—that is, if my analysis is spot-on. I know this is not palatable to many, but historical and recent developments justify my pessimism. I would rather tread with cautious pessimism than wild optimism. These are my reasons:
First and foremost, the Government of National Unity (GNU) was driven by the desire of both parties (MDC and ZANU PF) to share power equally — after, of course, each failed to secure all the power individually. Given room to assume all the power, each of these parties would have sidelined the other, as we see unfolding now. More critical for these parties was who gets what position in government? Who gets to run what department? Who has the power to appoint whom and how? In other words, the main driver for the GNU was who gets the biggest share of the national resources, and not what would hold the nation together.
Continue reading "The Government of National Unity is not the Solution"
Many of us have written off Zimbabwe. The past events and present trends have fueled our decision to erase Zimbabwe from the list of prospering nations. This hurts. This is the land that hosted some of the greatest, warmest and most beautiful international book fairs a few years ago. If you had never known the beauty of a human mind, the Zimbabwe book fair would open your eyes to it. Every year, the Zim book fair brought together beautiful and brilliant women like Michere Mugo, Patricia McFadden, Sindiwe Magona, Ama Ata Aidoo and Sapphire to fire up the audience, and these women ably did in their keynote addresses. Sapphire is the first human I’ve ever met, and the only one so far, with a single name. The woman is electrifying in every sense of the word. She is pure combustion, burning with emotional honesty and intellectual force as a performance poet, writer and astral projection expert.
As a faithful attendant of the Zim book fair, it was my greatest pleasure to lose myself in the knowledge of these women, their intensity almost exceeding the brilliance of the sun. They were explosive. A word like fireworks dimmed when you heard most of these women talking. The Zim book fair wasn’t just brains and beauty. It was balanced. It was business—books, it was entertainment, it was poetry, it was magic. With most of my writer friends the Zim book fair has become our mournful pastime. Since Mugabe’s second coming, the book fair has died, and there has not been an alternative anywhere else in Africa. God bless South Africa, but the Cape Town book fair cannot compare. Neither can the Nigerian, Ghanaian, Ugandan or Kenyan. These book fairs have long boring talks and business meetings that take life out of art.
I have a feeling deep down Zimbabwe will rise again. TrustAfrica’s 2020 vision is a prospering Africa. I don’t know if by then Zimbabwe will have dusted itself, cleaned up its act, and risen from tyranny to prosperity. My positive feeling doesn’t reveal when it will happen but only blends into facts—proof why Zimbabwe will rise. The country’s redemption is not in the political leadership but in the literary and artistic sense. It’s true Zimbabwe is going through a period of depression, oppression, repression, suppression, all the ‘ssion’s’ one can think of, but art and writing are flourishing. The starving artists are calling upon their inner resources and shining a light. Imagine my happiness when I came across the 2009 National Arts Council of Zimbabwe nominees list for the following categories: Continue reading "Zimbabwe will rise again"
Good governance continues to be a challenge in the majority of countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Although procedural democracy has been established in several countries, rule of law and political rights are lacking. Explanations for this situation are varied. Some theorists posit that Africa’s governance challenges are driven by exogenous factors including colonial misrule, ethnic diversity, persistent poverty, and economic and political policies imposed by international donors or aid agencies. Alternate views point the finger at African nations’ inability to accomplish successful democratic transitions, the inherent weakness of Africa's political elite, and the intrinsically fragile nature of political institutions on the continent. At the crux of both of these explanations is the role of leadership.
We currently have two powerful examples of African leadership. On the one hand, Barack Obama's election as the first African-American President of the United States has become a beacon for African youth across the globe that had never before imagined the possibility of the son of an African immigrant rising to such heights of power and respect. On the other, we have Colonel Muammar Gadaffi's appointment as the Chairman of the African Union, and his ambitious agenda to re-cast the African Union as the United States of Africa with a single currency, passport, and army. Both leaders are visionaries in their own right. Against all odds, President Obama won the respect and confidence of working class Americans, promising to prioritize their concerns and work along side them to revitalize the United States' failing economy, create jobs, and put an end to the vagaries of Wall Street that are in large part responsible for the worst of the current global economic crisis. President Obama's inaugural speech was richly textured with historical references to America's founding fathers, particularly Abraham Lincoln, whose bible was used during the oath swearing ceremony. Both President Barack Obamas's personal background and path to the white house cast him as the rightful successor to the United States' legacy of achievement, integrity, and prosperity. Similarly, Gadaffi's grand design for a United States of Africa is reminiscent of the Pan-African movement's great theorists such as, Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere, who envisioned an autonomous and independent Africa, capable of holding its own with the other world regional blocks.
Of course, President Obama has a proven track-record for working on behalf of America's households and demonstrates the integrity and achievement that the United States is founded on. His first week in office further testifies to his credentials, as he takes resolute actions to redress the errors committed under the Bush regime and to regain the confidence of the United States' allies so that they can work in concert to combat the global recession. Colonel Gadaffi's resume on the other hand is littered with criminality, repression, and collusion with some of the continent's worst human rights offenders, most notably, Liberia's Charles Taylor. Of late, Gadaffi has also been criticized for the derisory treatment of Sub-Saharan migrants residing in Libya. Yet, there are also arenas in which the Colonel has surpassed his more genteel African statesmen, in particular, Gadaffi has become a champion of women's rights, and Libyan women enjoy more freedoms than many of their counterparts in North Africa. Nonetheless, politics is not a game for the fainthearted, and among Africa's current leadership, Gadaffi's commitment to African integration stands out against a sea of egocentric leaders with their own nation's agenda, or worse, personal agenda, taking precedence over the need to raise the continent out of its current quagmire.
Africa is struggling to come to grips with the concept of power sharing, Along with the return of military intervention and the abuse of religion, power sharing arrangements seem to be growing in popularity.
A few minutes ago Jeanne spotted cows crossing the road, just like that. I have a camera constant in my bag so I have taken the pictures. About twenty cows walking side by side with cars, horses, donkeys and people. It is amazing. I will not be surprised if tomorrow I find out that we have new grantees. I mean, these cows can decide to come to our office. You should have seen them swinging elegantly, really, crossing the road and bypassing our office. Two cows looked up to read the sign. The TrustAfrica sign. I am telling the truth. What then will stop these cows from coming into our office for a grant or a convening of some sort, an understanding of our work if they digest what we are about? That is our new office area. Akwasi says it puts us right in contact with the world. It is so true. We have a good sense of what’s happening out there. Where we were was quiet and hidden. I almost felt like we were gods there. Away from human contact but available. Don’t misunderstand me. People used to find us. That’s how we managed to do a lot of work, to hold workshops, to give grants, and to facilitate collaborations. Our quiet neighborhood served a good purpose for the time we were there. Now we are in a place where anything is more possible than ever, where the unexpected is more likely to happen. I would like to say I miss the old place. We had cats, not cows. It was like home. Like a writers’ residence. I could write for hours uninterrupted by the world around me. But now the new place throbs with its own charm and wonders. It gives me more reason to be found looking out the window only to say in defense, “Can’t you see I am working.” I am now undecided on which place feeds me more, nourishes my creativity more. 
I will kill anyone, who wants to destabilize this country. If you think that you can collaborate with so called human rights defenders, and get away with it, you must be living in a dream world. I will kill you, and nothing will come out of it. We are not going to condone people posing as human rights defenders to the detriment of the country. If you are affiliated with any human rights group, be rest assured that your security and personal safety would not be guaranteed by my Government. We are ready to kill saboteurs.” (Italics added)
